The Janjaweed are a group of foreign mercenaries gathered and organized by the leader of the Sudanese military religious regime Omar al-Bashir to commit Darfur genocide. They are nurtured and renamed rapid support forces to protect the regime of the Muslim Brothers. They are occupying Sudan now and killing the Sudanese nationals.
A third undone numerically episode titled Sudanese Genocide, along with its Arabic version Sudanese Political Genocide.
The article as you knew from the referenced pages makes many episodes in the Sudanese section of the HOA Political Scene Blog. Enjoy your reading, dear valued reader.
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We ended at the last page at when the military council came to power and to do what. Here we continue.
The Muslim Brothers' TMC continued to maintain the basic structures of the Muslim Brothers' regime, especially the military structures of the Sudanese army controlled by the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamic Jihad militias they organized in their early years, and the Janjaweed militias they formed from foreign mercenaries from Chad, Cameroon, Central Africa, Niger and Nigeria.
To know how the framework of the militias in the region and especially in Tchad, please see Chadian Opposition, Chadian Political History and Chadian Political Problems. and the referenced pages أزمة تشاد مستمرة (The Chad crisis continues)، تاريخ الغياب الوطني التشادي (History of Chadian National Absenteeism)، تراجيديا المحاكاة والشبه بين تشاد والسودان (The Tragedy of Simulation and Similarity Between Chad and Sudan).
The Sudanese political genocide took place when the revolutionary young in the Sudanese revolution succeeded to enter the the general command of the army during the Sudanese intifada to organize a successful sit-in there, which lasted for some time.
The Sudanese protests have in fact continued since the first day of the military coup of the so-called National Islamic Front (NIF), which is one of the wings of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan and through which it took power in 1989 by using the Muslim Brotherhood elements the army.
When the Sudanese succeeded to escalate the Sudanese revolution to enter the general command of the army and held there, the Muslim Brotherhood in the military religious regime of Omar al-Bashir ordered the resignation of the head of the National Congress Party, who was leading the country to replace one of their elements.
When the Sudanese rising continued to escalate, they established what is called the military council to run the country, which is still in a political vacuum, under the occupation of the Janjaweed.
The military council began to circumvent and practice tricks and maneuvers with the representatives of the Sudanese uprising, to prepare for other actions to attack the youth of the Sudanese intifada in their sit-in to dismantle and end the sit-in.
I have warned the representatives of the revolution in the gathering of professionals and the powers of freedom and change that they should not enter into negotiations with an illegitimate military council, as it is similar to the illegitimate military regime that the council came from.
Despite the fact that I have warned them, they held the negotiations. They never hear any veteran freedom fighter, as I have witnessed while being part of the first revolutionary group we created earlier and part of many young revolutionary groups launched after that.
The advices not to accept or enter into negotiations with the illegitimate council are because of that they give an illegitimate council the legitimacy it lacks, and because the best thing to do at that victorious moment is to escalate the revolution to press the council with its Janjaweed to submit the authority to a civil government.
When the negotiations began, despite the critique I made, I advised them to stop immediately and never accept sharing political power with TMC with its Janjaweed, because it is illogical to accept sharing power with killers and because the killers want to escape justice by having political immunity.
I think these two logical points have never come to the minds of the negotiators of the revolution. Accepting to continue the negotaitions proves that. To my surprise, instead of them doing that, the TMC boycotted the negotiations to press them to accept the demands of the killers.
I am the veteran Sudanese journalist and fighter Khalid Mohammed Osman I was the only and the first person to talk about all of this at the time. I justified not sitting in negotiations with murderers in an illegitimate military council.
I justified the demands of escalating the revolution until victory, because of my long professional experience and my long experience of struggle, for half a century.
I know there is a political vacuum in Sudan, and the illegitimate military junta are weak, and these are things I wrote about.
The negotiators want power and don't want to hear any word of wisdom, because if we used the exercise of excessive power of the revolution at that moment we might have won and never had a TMC and Janjaweed.
If we used it even when they came and before all that has happened, if we hold fast on our principles without having to get into negotiations, we might have also won and ended the military junta together with the Janjaweed.
Instead of all of that the acceptance of the negotiations and the start of it, as I have also explained to the negotiators of the revolution have given the council and the Janjaweed the time to prepare for the genocide.
Not only that but they paved the way to the military council to get the advices and the assistance from Egypt, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates to commit the genocide, things I warned about when I said to the negotiators that accepting and sitting to the negotiations with illegitimate council, while the council manoeuvres, will give the council the time it needs to prepare for something else to break the Sudanese revolution.
Unfortunately, all that I have warned about has happened immediately. There are some articles about all of this I have written at the time and in every moment of the regress of the negotiations after tweets I have tweeted to the representatives of the revolution in their twitter accounts.
No one from them ever has taken the chance to discuss with me about my points, which have proven to be right, while they from their parts have proven to be wrong.
If any assumed to be revolutionary national political power doesn't care about a single given citizen, forget about that person being human and political activist, so how could it be caring about other nationals?
They still say that they represent the Sudanese people. In fact they represent their interests in political power. Once more again, the YOUNG should reorganize young leaders.
The council used the Janjaweed mercenaries to carry out the Sudanese political genocide and killed more than 6,300 Sudanese citizens, according to some reports in a preliminary census.
In the same genocide, the Janjaweed burned large numbers of Sudanese, tied many of them into heavy blocks and threw them into the Sudanese Nile to sink alive. They arrested many of those who participated in the Sudanese rising and raided many areas to crash and terrorize the people.
They also raped many of the women in the General Command of the army, including children and grandmothers, and lined the underwear of some raped girls on the ropes of laundry to show them without shame or conscience, they smoked hash, danced and shouted as they did so to celebrate the victory of their killing and raping.
While the military junta has denied all of this, the irrefutable evidence proving the involvement of the junta and the Janjaweed has been shown in many pictures and video recordings.
These documents, which condemn the military junta and the Janjaweed, have emerged despite the fact that the military junta has cut off the Internet to prohibit the appearance of the crimes to the world through the means of social media communications, and even frustrates the Sudanese young people, who lead peaceful Sudanese protests against the conspiracies organized by the Sudanese dictatorial regimes.
The videotapes that have emerged so far reveal the scale of the Sudanese political genocide that took place on that date, and the continuation of the military junta and the Janjaweed in persecutions and beatings of many Sudanese people and forcing them to work in forced labor.
Such atrocities by the Janjaweed continue, as the international human rights organizations, the United Nations and the International Criminal Court (ICC) continue to exercise their bureaucracy in dealing with the ongoing genocide in Sudan.
While China and Russia, which have economic and security ties with Omar al-Bashir's regime, object to the Security Council imposing sanctions on remnants of the totalitarian regime, the representatives of the collapsed regime continue to commit crimes against humanity in Sudan.
The continuation of the genocide is clear, and the leadership of the foreign mercenary forces that formed the Janjaweed forces even announced in the media that they will continue to hunt down all those who instigate and incite the revolution against them. In this regard, it is expected that the Janjaweed will commit many other massacres among the Sudanese people.
The Janjaweed forces have found aid from Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, where Saudi airplanes have been landing at Khartoum airport, although a large number of airlines had stopped flights to Sudan during the escalation of the Sudanese revolution.
The United Arab Emirates military vehicles roamed the streets of Khartoum during and after the massacre. The ongoing assistance provided by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates is part of this cooperation with the Janjaweed mercenary forces.
This also indicates that the war against Yemen, Qatar and Iran, led by Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, is a proxy war for the United States, run by conspirators in the region. This indicator is reflected negatively on the Sudanese revolution, which is based on the aspirations of the Sudanese people.
Although the United States had sent an envoy to Khartoum to work to find solutions to the political problems in Sudan, it did not contribute to finding these solutions, evidenced by the continuation of the military council to lead the Sudanese authority.
It is very strange in this context that Saudi Arabia and the UAE should be invited to participate in the Berlin conference on the political problems in Sudan, rather than to hold them as two conspirators on the Sudan and as involved in the genocide in Khartoum.
The two countries are imperialism agents in addition to Egypt, which provided assistance to the military junta. The purpose of these puppet regimes is to smash the sovereignty in Sudan and keep the Sudan under the occupation of the Janjaweed, so that these conspiratorial regimes maintain their interests in Sudan and exploit its mineral wealth in the mountains and waters of the Red Sea and remain in the occupation of the territories of the Sudan.
These aggressive schemes of the tripartite conspiring regimes also come to prevent the victory of the Sudanese revolution, because that means the end of their interests in Sudan, and also means a direct threat to these conspirators, regarding the possibility of similar revolutions in their lands.
Thus, the Berlin Conference will be in this way like its predecessors from the conferences held in Berlin and did not do justice to the oppressed peoples. It should be recalled here that previous conferences in Berlin had divided some people from the same ethnic group between some states.
The Sudanese Political Genocide is intended to stop the people from the revolution against the occupation of the Janjaweed of Sudan. All the ongoing efforts of the military junta and the Janjaweed are to camouflage all the human rights organizations in the world that what happened in Sudan is not genocide, as they announced the first time. Then, after the evidences of their genocide began to appear, they began to call for negotiations.
The criminals in the military junta and the Janjaweed know that such methods do not mislead the Sudanese people, so they have prepared all their extremist groups and organized them in preparations for elections.
They also reached an agreement with the backward political powers, which do not concern about the interests of the Sudanese people, as far as the interests of narrow-minded parties in reaching political power.
The article about Janjaweed is connecting to a series of sudanese articles. It continues from, and continues into the following:
The series in sequence 1 includes Sudanese political articles in English, Sudanese Arabic political articles, Sudanese commentaries and Sudanese comments, the loyal readers of the HOA Political Scene Newsletter and I have written on the HOA Political Scene Blog.
The readers of the Horn of Africa's Journal and the loyal visitors of HOA Political Scene have already built many categories on the Arabic HOA Political Scene at Readers Comment, Readers Read Good, Readers Write Comments and Readers Write Good.
They also add pages to this network at: Write about Chad, Write about Djibouti, Write about DRC, Write about Eritrea, Write about Ethiopia, Write about HOA, Write about Kenya, Write about Somalia, Write about Sudan and Write about Uganda.
The series of articles are in many episodes in the sequence of Sudanese articles and commentaries. This sequence alone has more than 200 episodes.
The work continues on the Sudanese sequence of political articles to complete the edition of it in an alphabetical and numerical order, as you see from the alphabet of the second term and the numbers.
This episode is connected with all of the episodes from episode 1 to the end. The episodes are at:
Episode 1: Sudanese Abilities| Episode 2: Sudanese Absence| Episode 3: Sudanese Abuse| Episode 4: Sudanese Achievements| Episode 5: Sudanese Actions| Episode 6: Sudanese Activities| Episode 7: Sudanese Administration| Episode 8: Sudanese Advantages| Episode 9: Sudanese Adversity| Episode 10: Sudanese Advices| Episode 11: Sudanese Advocacy| Episode 12: Sudanese Affairs| Episode 13: Sudanese Affiliation|
There are some Arabic versions of some of these episodes at:
Sudanese Political Abilities| Sudanese Political Absence| Sudanese Political Abuse| Sudanese Political Achievements| Sudanese Political Actions| Sudanese Political Activities| Sudanese Political Administration| Sudanese Political Advantages| Sudanese Political Adversity| Sudanese Political Advices| Sudanese Political Advocacy| Sudanese Political Affairs| Sudanese Political Affiliation| Sudanese Political Affliction|
The organization of the Sudanese political articles goes further to cover the following episodes:
Episode 15: Sudanese Aggression| Episode 16: Sudanese Agitation| Episode 17: Sudanese Agreements| Episode 18: Sudanese Aid| Episode 19: Sudanese Aims| Episode 20: Sudanese Alarm| Episode 21: Sudanese Alerts| Episode 22: Sudanese Allegations| Episode 23: Sudanese Allies| Episode 24: Sudanese Alternatives| Episode 25: Sudanese Ambitions| Episode 26: Sudanese Amnesty| Episode 27: Sudanese Analyses| Episode 28: Sudanese Anecdotes| Episode 29: Sudanese Anger| Episode 30: Sudanese Angles|
As well as Sudan, the organizational work continues to build other sequences with episodes for the other states in the Horn of Africa, including Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Somaliland, South Sudan, and Uganda. Chad, or Tchad and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are supplementary.
This is a Horn Africas Network.
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