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The Sudanese Alarm concerns taking care of the Sudanese intifada and some other political issues to address the regional crises in Sudan, prosecute perpetrators of crises, manage the economical and political problems in the entire country and build a new modern, secular and united state.
The way to do all of this is through the ongoing Sudanese protests. So, the alarm comes here to take care of the people's movement, to protect the Sudanese revolution and secure the Sudanese rising attempts, until the achievement of victory to the masses.
The victory will never be won, if we trust that the same political power in what's called the military council that came out of the same military religious regime to topple the Sudanese uprising can do any of the following:
We take these serious political issues one by one here, through headlines in the following sections of the page, below the introduction. The introduction is necessary because it provides the sources of Sudanese Alarm, which is episode 20, with its Arabic version Sudanese Political Alarm.
If you were following these episodes from episode 1 until episode 19, then you know that these episodes are in a sequence of Sudanese political articles and the sequence has more than 200 episodes.
You know also that the sequence of Sudanese political articles are educational and good resources for college students who are studying political sciences, human rights organizations, journalists and researchers.
Here is the introduction to Sudanese Alarm and some other episodes that are relevant and so coherent with this episode to know about. They are good sources and they help to understand this episode better.
The series in sequence 1 includes Sudanese political articles in English, Sudanese Arabic political articles, Sudanese commentaries and Sudanese comments, the loyal readers of the HOA Political Scene Newsletter and I have written on the HOA Political Scene Blog.
The readers of the Horn of Africa's Journal and the loyal visitors of HOA Political Scene have already built many categories on the Arabic HOA Political Scene at Readers Comment, Readers Read Good, Readers Write Comments and Readers Write Good.
They also add pages to this network at: Write about Chad, Write about Djibouti, Write about DRC, Write about Eritrea, Write about Ethiopia, Write about HOA, Write about Kenya, Write about Somalia, Write about Sudan and Write about Uganda.
The series of articles are in many episodes in the sequence of Sudanese articles and commentaries. This sequence alone has more than 200 episodes.
The work continues on the Sudanese sequence of political articles to complete the edition of it in an alphabetical and numerical order, as you see from the alphabet of the second term and the numbers.
This episode is connected with all of the episodes from episode 1 to the end. The episodes are at:
Episode 1: Sudanese Abilities| Episode 2: Sudanese Absence| Episode 3: Sudanese Abuse| Episode 4: Sudanese Achievements| Episode 5: Sudanese Actions| Episode 6: Sudanese Activities| Episode 7: Sudanese Administration| Episode 8: Sudanese Advantages| Episode 9: Sudanese Adversity| Episode 10: Sudanese Advices| Episode 11: Sudanese Advocacy| Episode 12: Sudanese Affairs| Episode 13: Sudanese Affiliation|
There are some Arabic versions of some of these episodes at:
Sudanese Political Abilities| Sudanese Political Absence| Sudanese Political Abuse| Sudanese Political Achievements| Sudanese Political Actions| Sudanese Political Activities| Sudanese Political Administration| Sudanese Political Advantages| Sudanese Political Adversity| Sudanese Political Advices| Sudanese Political Advocacy| Sudanese Political Affairs| Sudanese Political Affiliation| Sudanese Political Affliction|
The organization of the Sudanese political articles goes further to cover the following episodes:
Episode 15: Sudanese Aggression| Episode 16: Sudanese Agitation| Episode 17: Sudanese Agreements| Episode 18: Sudanese Aid| Episode 19: Sudanese Aims| Episode 20: Sudanese Alarm| Episode 21: Sudanese Alerts| Episode 22: Sudanese Allegations| Episode 23: Sudanese Allies| Episode 24: Sudanese Alternatives| Episode 25: Sudanese Ambitions| Episode 26: Sudanese Amnesty| Episode 27: Sudanese Analyses| Episode 28: Sudanese Anecdotes| Episode 29: Sudanese Anger| Episode 30: Sudanese Angles|
As well as Sudan, the organizational work continues to build other sequences with episodes for the other states in the Horn of Africa, including Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Somaliland, South Sudan, and Uganda. Chad, or Tchad and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are supplementary.
This is a Horn Africas Network.
I have written about the legitimacy of the revolution which derives from its masses at episode 19, Sudanese Aims, along with its Arabic version at Sudanese Political Aims. Here is the rest of the explanation.
No military coup in the world has legitimacy. As there is no legitimacy to coups, the revolution has always a legitimacy. The revolution acquires its legitimacy from the masses of the revolution.
The masses of the revolution are in fact the revolution parliament, although that parliament doesn't exist, factually as a body of candidates who represent political parties.
In the formation of the revolution, the integrant part of it is of the masses. The masses represent the voters and they vote for the revolution by their massive participation in it.
When the masses choose their leaders, then the leaders are the candidates of that parliament. The votes are determined by the approval of the leaders who speak in behalf of the masses.
So, the leaders of the masses are the candidates for the Revolution Parliament.
To clarify and explain the legitimacy of the revolution further, I say as long as there is a massive revolution in any state, so that implies non official legitimacy exists.
That also means the preceding authority, which the revolution has expelled out of power has not any legitimacy. In such situation a political vacuum exists.
So, the only legitimacy is the legitimacy of the revolution and the legitimacy of the revolution should fill that vacuum, actually.
The only legitimacy found in this case in Sudan is the legitimacy of the revolution. It has that legitimacy because of the presence of the masses who compose the body of the revolution.
The body of the revolution, in this case, refers to real voters who choose the revolution as their body of political action. The body of the revolution in this case is the element that composes the parliament of the revolution.
Now, what happens when some leaders in the army of the preceding regime come out in a coup to take power from the regime before the masses throw it out?
How we understand the process they take to form a military council to take power?
What do all of their duties and performance in the military council really mean?
What happens in this situation is that the new army leaders in the military council try to prove to the masses that they are honest by arresting some of the elements of the regime and taking some other procedures at the surface which are definitely superficial.
They try in fact to deceive the masses and make the revolution fall by such acts, so the masses will return to their homes to wait for other improvement measures supposed to be taken by such military council. That means they give the main suspects of the preceding regime a lease of life, to have a break and to take breaths.
They also might do some attempts to discuss with the leaders of the revolution on how to make peaceful attempts to solve the problem. They know that when they discuss with them, they will have somehow a legitimacy.
By implying that since the leaders of the revolution have agreed to discuss with them and they have started discussing with them actually, then they have legitimacy, as no one will ever discuss anything with any illegitimate power.
That's exactly what I tried to warn of through the Sudanese Alarm when I said we in the Sudanese revolution should never negotiate with illegitimate group, such as the military council to give it legitimacy.
This same damn situation, which I warned of now, has happened before concerning the political vacuum, as we had it in 2005 while the regime of Omar al-Bashir had expired and despite the political vacuum at that time no political power in Sudan has taken any opportunity to make use of it, or to force Omar al-Bashir to go the ICC, according to Omar al-Basher's indictment and the arrest warrant and the call for him and other leaders to be prosecuted internationally.
I started the SUDANESE ALARM about that issue and no one has taken any chances to get the political power from this damn regime despite the political vacuum in Sudan at that time.
I always have been surprised by the way my fellow leaders and motivators of the Sudanese revolution think of when they face such matters. If you don't have that transparent mentality to think big about such issues, then we shall never arrive at any victory for the Masses. The revolution would be a mess.
Back to the so called military council, which is composed of mercenaries of the preceding military religious regime of the National Congress Party, and as I answered the questions about what happens, how to understand their process, and what their duties mean, I should also say that we should stop right now dealing with such military council and start fueling the Sudanese revolution again.
We should never accept anything other than the fulfillment of the complete goals of the Sudanese revolution.
The Sudanese Alarm about understanding the serious political problems in Sudan right now, is never different than the alarm to understand these problems in any political period, since the independence of Sudan from Britain in 1956.
Nothing has changed in the Sudanese political scene since that date and until now. The political problems are the same political problems, although we have a different political situation now, which is the most complicated situation to those people who don't understand it, or understand that much in politics.
I am here to help and always will be your candle.
I think so. If not, please use the contact us form to contact me and I'll be pleased to explain all of that you didn't understand very slowly, so you can get it.
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