No Go Back in the Sudanese Protests!

The Sudanese protests are still breaking out in Khartoum and other cities and villages in Sudan, as you read in part 1 and part 2 of this long article.

 Intro to the Protests in Sudan!

If you didn't read that, please start with part 1 at the Sudanese revolution and part 2 at the Sudanese intifada. Continue part 3 here and then part 4 at the Sudanese uprising.

We know for sure that the protests in Sudan will conquer the terrorist regime of Sudan. The sufferance of the Sudanese people has reached a point where there is no go back, until we throw this regime away and erase all of its conducts and components.

The Sudanese people's movement has long history since 1989, when the Muslim Brothers in Sudan in what's called the National Islamic Front (NIF) conducted a military coup to bring the recent bloody regime into power.

Since that date in 1989, the civil protests are what we still see in many villages and towns in Sudan calling for the criminal bloody Sudanese military religious regime to step down and leave power.

After really long years of pain and sadness in Sudan, we see the last people's breakout has no return point, before the totalitarian regime in Khartoum steps down.

The Sudanese dictatorial regimes of what's called the National Congress Party has already destroyed many lives, as well as the tainted state of Sudan, and it is still selling the Sudanese land by pieces to Arab looters in the Gulf Area.

We know that the policy of burning the land and the people alike has exhausted the Sudanese people and brought them to the level of knowing that dying for their homeland is better than living in severe economical, human and political situations.

The Sudanese people have already sacrificed so many lives of people. Paying their lives for freedom is always better than paying taxes to enrich the ruling elites to use for bringing them more sufferance and burning them for long decades.

Read the Sudanese Martyrs Actions and Sudanese Martyrs Day, along with other pages about the Sudanese martyrs tree of the revolution.

The sufferance of the Sudanese people has in fact started since the day of what's called the national government after the indepdnece of Sudan from Britain in 1956.

We all know that since that day Sudan has been exposed to sectarian, religious and then all of that has been followed by military coups of opportunists

As stated in the intro, this page is a continuation of the article at Sudanese intifada, where I wrote about the early days of the Sudanese armed revolution. I continue that at the first section of this page here below.

Prior the Sudanese Protests!

This is the continuation to the second page:

Second, in the second event, I explained many facts in a meeting to discuss the situation in Sudan after the spilt of the Muslim Brothers in Sudan into two parties, one as the National Congress Party and the second as the People's Conference Party.

I said that was just a Muslim Brother's conspiracy theory in Sudan to melt the Sudanese political conscience and smash the public opinion.

I suggested that was a devil plan from the Muslim Brothers Party, which has been established in the forties by this name and then changed its name three times in almost three decades to fit the demands of each decade, politically.

I said that the party essentially has a Conspiracy Theory to implements in Sudan, especially when it became the "National Islamic Front - NIF". The party implements such policy through what I called the policy of the octopus arms.

I explained that further in an article titled (Muslim Brothers' Conspiracy Theory). As for the policy of the octopus arms, I explained that in another article titled "Muslim Brothers' Octopus in Sudan".

I got into depth analyzing to say that according to these policies, the party depends on its tactics of burning the political stages in Sudan to remain in power. (In Arabic: سياسة حرق المراحل السياسية لاستمرار الأخوان المسلمين في السلطة في السودان).

I have explained that further as you can see on pages at تغييب الذاكرة يؤدي الي تفريغ المظاهرات, إذا الشعب في السودان أراد الحياة, سياسة الاخطبوط السودانية وتعطيل حركة التاريخ and لا مخارج لنظام القمع الكيزاني ولا عفا الله عما سلف.

To score high political rates, the National Congress Party and the People's Conference Party of Sudan play on the base of what they think as public political ignorance (الجهل السياسي للمسألة السودانية).

They were wrong. They are still wrong. The continuing Sudanese protests prove that. But, they are still taking cheers after cheers based on what they think...

They think that they have accomplished total absenteeism to the public mentality علي هامش إحتفالات التغييب الذهني للمواطن السوداني في كل أنحاء السودان).

After the second events, I continued the same line of analyzing and criticizing the internal policy and the regional policy of the totalitarian regime (Sudanese Regional Politics), especially when I was caring very much about the Sudanese - Eritrean relations.

The fears were that the regime might gain access to continue realtions with Eritrea and that might destroy every efforts we made to get Eritrea on our side in the Sudanese national movement.

We are based and focused on the people's relations, as I stated on (Intimate Eritrean Sudanese Relations).

At the edge of dismay, we encountered more challenges. I tried to use my influence with top leaders in the Eritrean People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), which is the new version of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), to shift policies.

My efforts continued, especially when top leaders of some international organizations like the African Justice Organization, including Alex Du Wall and Yohans Ackol (yes, Lam Akol Ajawin's brother).

After they got back to London, I received some of their letters. Then the leader of the Nuba Mountain Solidarity, Suleiman Musa Rahal came from London to visit me at my office in the central office of the (PFDJ) to also get access to talk with top leaders.

Through a kind of liaison, I attached them and achieved that aiming to gain more influence, which would probably be helpful to the Sudanese case.

I really was even surprised as how did I manage all of these different activities...

working a journalist in many places...,

a chancellor providing my suggestions regarding Sudan and even some methods in the media...,

an environment activist arranging meeting in the national confederation of Eritrean workers...,

singing papers from the governor of Asmara Provence concerning environment activities...,

building the national Eritrean environment organization and preparing its constitution in some languages...,

working a gender activist taking care of children and women by conducting interviews and covering their issues in the press..., and last...,

a liaison and an attache...,

an interpreter to the Eritrean Workers' Constitution.

One of the people I knew very well, asked me when I helped him to get a room in my residence, "I wonder, why they don't nominate you in one of the high political jobs in the central office, like the ones you are carrying?".

I told him that "nevertheless, I consider myself really have these jobs and I'll continue doing them".

He asked that question, when the Eritrean authorities assigned a contact person with the Sudanese opposition and then when that person upgraded to work in Eritrean Embassy, they appointed a very young person in his place.

He became my friend and we had a lot of talks about many things. But, that was not the point. The point was that the talk I had with my house-mate had happened after this appointment.

In the Sudanese opposition, he told me "they got angry by appointing a very young person to be a liaison". I told him that "it's their house and they are free to do what they want to do", meaning my friends in the Eritrean authority.

I said, "Besides, they know with whom they are dealing, weak political personnel leading sectarian parties in the opposition.

I was sad of feeling that my personal life wasn't separated from politics and the Sudanese national struggle, and even the Eritrean national struggle, and none of my friends can feel how I was burning!

They should have known that I had a long relations with the EPLF from the first day those friends saw me in my office in the official newspaper, and in a matter of 2 days of my escape from Sudan. No one can have that place in the official newspaper, that time.

Anyway, the Sudanese opposition went amok, the totalitarian regime absorbed it completely and sucked even its bonny wings, like what they do with chickens.

The Ethiopian-Eritrean war has done very bad to the Sudanese opposition and the Sudanese national struggle and I got mad to publish a fire report in one of the newspapers in the Arabian Gulf, which set the fire on everything during the war.

I resigned from my job in honor. The UNHCR Office in Asmara welcomed me into a protection. I knew after that, as if I had been a target.

Previously, I had been the first person from my country to approach this office, as I said somewhere in the HOA Political Scene from the first week I arrived to Asmara. They were working with Somali refugees and Somali IDPs that time.

I told them that, "I only want you to recognize me as a refugee and I don't need any of your financial help, because I can make a living, but, I only want you to consider giving me politically a refuge status".

I said, "You'll receive refugees from my country, shortly, so be prepared for this". That was what has happened, later.

When a new protection officer has been appointed to the UNHCR Office and he came from Sarajevo, I went there and said to him, "I think, the office has made a mistake, by sending somebody taking my full name to Canada". He found some papers of that refugee in my file.

He has been so surprised of such mistake. "I have never in my life seen a mistake like this!" He said, when he talked with his colleagues. I told him that some refugees said the former protection officer was corrupt and he took bribes.

He went to the leader of the office. She was a German nice lady. So after speaking with her, I heard her saying in exact words, "Khalid Osman should leave Asmara immediately".

He spoke with the resettlement officer. She is from France. I started with her to prepare for my resettlement in another country. I had the best experiences afterwards with the office, until the resettlement officer called me one day to tell me that "Geneva has received my case warmly".

I flew to Europe. Here began the second activities of the Sudanese protests. Link to the Sudanese uprising in the linked page above to continue reading the exterior and interior Sudanese protests.

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Sudanese Journalist, poet, write and human and political activist Khalid Mohammed Osman

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