The Sudanese Aims, as stated in the title are done by me the Sudanese journalist Khalid Mohammed Osman to create such well defined state by such characteristics.
By doing these hard efforts that pour in the Sudanese revolution, I don't have any ambitions to get anything beneficial, other than helping my people. I am glad by what I already have and I want to live my life free traveling the world like a troubadour, or a bird in this world.
I assure you this is the talk of the future and there's no way around this, if we want to rescue and secure Sudan for ever. I stand in a resolute and determined manner on solid grounds with my political vision of the modern state of Sudan.
The Sudanese Aims you'll read on this page along with its Arabic version at Sudanese Political Aims are making episode 19 in the Sudanese sequence of political articles you read about through the other 18 episodes.
If you didn't, then you might have to read these episodes to reach this one. Please, do yourself and me also a favor. Read at least 3, 4 episodes. Thanks.
The introduction below kick you off to understand many of the episodes in the sequence and let you anticipate the relevant resources of the episodes.
The main article is just below the introduction of the sequence.
The series in sequence 1 includes Sudanese political articles in English, Sudanese Arabic political articles, Sudanese commentaries and Sudanese comments, the loyal readers of the HOA Political Scene Newsletter and I have written on the HOA Political Scene Blog.
The readers of the Horn of Africa's Journal and the loyal visitors of HOA Political Scene have already built many categories on the Arabic HOA Political Scene at Readers Comment, Readers Read Good, Readers Write Comments and Readers Write Good.
They also add pages to this network at: Write about Chad, Write about Djibouti, Write about DRC, Write about Eritrea, Write about Ethiopia, Write about HOA, Write about Kenya, Write about Somalia, Write about Sudan and Write about Uganda.
The series of articles are in many episodes in the sequence of Sudanese articles and commentaries. This sequence alone has more than 200 episodes.
The work continues on the Sudanese sequence of political articles to complete the edition of it in an alphabetical and numerical order, as you see from the alphabet of the second term and the numbers.
This episode is connected with all of the episodes from episode 1 to the end. The episodes are at:
Episode 1: Sudanese Abilities| Episode 2: Sudanese Absence| Episode 3: Sudanese Abuse| Episode 4: Sudanese Achievements| Episode 5: Sudanese Actions| Episode 6: Sudanese Activities| Episode 7: Sudanese Administration| Episode 8: Sudanese Advantages| Episode 9: Sudanese Adversity| Episode 10: Sudanese Advices| Episode 11: Sudanese Advocacy| Episode 12: Sudanese Affairs| Episode 13: Sudanese Affiliation|
There are some Arabic versions of some of these episodes at:
Sudanese Political Abilities| Sudanese Political Absence| Sudanese Political Abuse| Sudanese Political Achievements| Sudanese Political Actions| Sudanese Political Activities| Sudanese Political Administration| Sudanese Political Advantages| Sudanese Political Adversity| Sudanese Political Advices| Sudanese Political Advocacy| Sudanese Political Affairs| Sudanese Political Affiliation| Sudanese Political Affliction|
The organization of the Sudanese political articles goes further to cover the following episodes:
Episode 15: Sudanese Aggression| Episode 16: Sudanese Agitation| Episode 17: Sudanese Agreements| Episode 18: Sudanese Aid| Episode 19: Sudanese Aims| Episode 20: Sudanese Alarm| Episode 21: Sudanese Alerts| Episode 22: Sudanese Allegations| Episode 23: Sudanese Allies| Episode 24: Sudanese Alternatives| Episode 25: Sudanese Ambitions| Episode 26: Sudanese Amnesty| Episode 27: Sudanese Analyses| Episode 28: Sudanese Anecdotes| Episode 29: Sudanese Anger| Episode 30: Sudanese Angles|
As well as Sudan, the organizational work continues to build other sequences with episodes for the other states in the Horn of Africa, including Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Somaliland, South Sudan, and Uganda. Chad, or Tchad and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are supplementary.
This is a Horn Africas Network.
The Sudanese Aims are not only about establishing a secular united state, for the first time in history, from the fragments of the states, created by religious, sectarian and totalitarian regimes.
By defining these bad political powers, I mean precisely their rule during the periods of the Sudanese dictatorial regimes and during the periods of the Sudanese sectarian parties, which have assumed power during what's called democracy in Sudan.
But the Sudanese aims I am talking about also concern the prevention of these religious, sectarian and totalitarian regimes from being once again in power and from appearing on the Sudanese political scene.
The arduous efforts of the Sudanese intifada to expel the religious military regime from political power should be a source of greater political inspiration for the revolutionaries in order to achieve great goals such as the following:
We must focus specifically on the ongoing Sudanese protests on how to ban religious, sectarian and totalitarian powers and prevent them from returning to power once again by explaining the reasons for their failure, and attribute the ban to that failure.
The Sudanese revolution will succeed only through such a clear vision.
There is no room to go back, or to what was the case in Sudan, as long as the Sudanese revolution focuses on national goals, such as achieving a secular unified state, defining the secular constitution for the features of this secular state and prohibiting the formation of religious and sectarian parties، and prohibiting parties aliens to Arabic countries, such as Egypt, Iraq, Libya and Syria.
There is no room to go back, as long as we all know the reasons for all the political problems in Sudan. It is necessary to work consistently to ensure that those who have caused the deterioration of the Sudan do not return to power.
To do this as a Sudanese objective, the revolutionary powers in the Sudanese rising must have achieved a revolutionary constitution and accomplished its revolutionary government, and its revolutionary forces, such as the (Annumor AlSudanyah - Sudanese Tigers), to protect the revolution and transfer it to power without having to negotiate with any authority outside the body of the Sudanese uprising.
This project, which I prepared after a great effort, was ignored by some partners in the strong Sudanese revolution, and the result was that we found ourselves in this position of negotiating with a military council, which is basically part of the political crisis in Sudan.
It is part of the Sudanese crisis, because it is an integral part of the so-called (National Congress Party - NCP), led by Omar al-Bashir, which is one of the wings of the organization of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan.
So far, there is nothing we can call the victory of a Sudanese revolution, unfortunately, but despite unfortunate conducts and occurances we can still bring the revolutionary government with revolutionary force to work and force the junta of the military council to comply with the demands of the Sudanese Revolutionary People's Movement.
This is one of the Sudanese aims that can be easily accomplished by referring to the youth revolutionary powers and developing it as a revolutionary project.
It must be made clear that the revolution in this great masses of Sudanese people has its revolutionary legitimacy, which allows it to form a government of revolution.
It has its revolutionary legitimacy, which allows it to form the forces of the revolution.
It has its revolutionary legitimacy, which allows it to prepare and implement a constitution for a secular state.
It is this constitution, which must be accomplished first, which gives the revolution legitimacy, because it is the youth power in the Sudanese revolution that have accomplished it.
The proposed constitution has many shortcomings.
In this regard, I have submitted constitutional proposals for a long time, during which I worked on introducing the Sudanese Tigers project as revolutionary forces to protect the revolution and to facilitate their way to receive political power by virtue of their revolutionary constitutional legitimacy.
To clarify the legitimacy of the revolution in the establishment of the state, I must clarify that again. In this political situation in the country, and in the presence of a military council, it seems clear that there is no legitimate meaning of the word to the so-called military council.
By other words, the revolution alone is now in the possession of legitimacy. The legitimacy of the revolution derives from these revolutionary human masses participating in the revolution.
This means that the revolutionary human masses are in fact the Parliament of the Revolution. That is the only revolutionary legitimacy that exists in Sudan now on the ground. There is no room for political negotiations with any internal or external political body.
The constitutionalism derived from the Sudanese revolution is one of the revolutionary political goals that enable the revolutionaries to receive political power, manage the Sudan and deal with the Sudanese problems one by one, by sorting the problems in the list of political problems, economic problems, social problems, cultural problems, health problems, etc...
The rapid inventory of these problems enables us to purge Sudan of the effects of all the governments that have contributed to the deterioration of the Sudan since independence, whether they are military dictatorship or governments of the Sudanese political parties.
We can also restore Sudan to the unity, complete the constitutional formulas for this with Southern Sudan, and achieve the formulas of the federal administration in a chain, while not expanding the administrative employment, so as not to cause administrative sluggishness to lead to extravagance in administrative spending and inflation, as did the despicable dictatorship.
I have a practical vision of forming a federal council and forming a central federal government that will manage all the federal units in the new Republic of Sudan, which even the SPLM has not yet considered, although it was one of the Sudanese militant forces that created the new Sudan concept.
The SPLM has been absent from this point by not taking into consideration whom is there who has this purely intellectual approach to depend on.
It seems that its thought was diverted to another concern: what alternatives would you choose under the so-called Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which was in fact a comprehensive partition agreement because it was only completed in the southern Sudanese referendum, which it knew would lead to the secession of southern Sudan.
I am talking here about transparency, through which we see the future of events. This transparency, which the SPLM did not have, was the only guarantee of an unmatched political success for the movement.
So I wrote and presented a paper to the General Conference of the Sudanese Alliance Forces entitled "The Mechanisms of Peace" predicted what happened next. This is what I mean by the future vision of Sudan's political direction, or any political direction.
Therefore, I find that this vision of the future is very transparent, or that transparency is the source.
Don't fire away before you get me this favor. It is for you too, even when you intend it for me.
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