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What the Chadian Political Scene Reflects?

The Chadian Political Scene reflects on the borders with Sudan, and inside Chad and it takes the past to the future through the divisions of tribalism and religion. The modern secular state is almost absent. ARABIC READERS, scroll to the Arabic section at the centre of the page.

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At last, the President of Chad Iddris Deby decided to visit Sudan next week and have talks with the brothers who helped them to claim the power in the Chadian lands in 1990, taking the same name of the revolutionary salvation council, just few months after the coup of the Muslim Brothers in Khartoum.

What happens after that in eastern Chad and western Sudan was a tragicomedy.

Deby has not visited Sudan since 2004 and tensions between the two revolutionary councils escalated and each of the leaders accused the other of supporting the contra rebels in western Sudan and in eastern Chad.

Playing on the Chadian Political Scene, he came late to admit that war has never resolved any problem and he knows what he was talking about in this regard.

This knowledge was absent for a long time and that caused massive human deterioration in the borders between the two countries and forced almost million of people to flee their lands.

The Chadian President expressed his wishes to live in peace after years of tension between the two countries, saying that his country wants to live in perfect harmony with all its neighbours.

The Chadian rebels are based in the eastern border of that country and the Sudanese rebels are based in the western areas of Sudan. In these areas, cross-borders rebellious groups have family and tribal relations with each other to the point that it is difficult to tell who the Sudanese is and who is the Chadian.

Instead of having such similarity strengthening fellowship's ties, the religious military leaders use it to complicate the Chadian Political Scene and the Sudanese Political Scene.

The military regime in N'djamena accused the religious military regime in Khartoum of supporting Chad's rebel in their attempts to invade N'djamena to oust Deby's regime in 2008. The regime in Khartoum accused the regime in N'djamena of supporting the Darfur Rebels and fuelling the crises in Darfur. See Darfur crisis.

Both of the two regimes have signed some agreements to stop hostilities and fighting. However, these agreements have failed significantly.

Backgrounds of the Chadian Political Scene!

The dictatorial regime in Sudan has accused the similar system in N'djamena so many times of exploiting the crises in Darfur and playing the great role in the escalation and deterioration of the political situation in Sudan.

These are the same crises that many regional and international powers (especially some humanitarian organizations that are ignorant of the nature of the political dimensions of the crises) play prominent role in the escalation.

During the so-called third democracy of the Sudanese Sectarian Parties in the Sudan and after my return from my workplace in al-Watan newspaper in Kuwait, I interviewed many marginalized political figures with close ties in the two countries and who know all the tribes and the situations in western Sudan and in eastern Chad.

Some of these figures worked between Chad and Sudan even during Jafar al Numeri's dictatorial system in Sudan and had good relations with the intelligentsia. The entire outcome of the interviews has been estimated to remain absent following the deterioration in Sudan couple of months before 1989.

I sent only short excerpts to the newspaper because of the political circumstances I lived, in the aftermath of the coup, when the military overthrew the government by the name of the National Islamic Front (NIF), which brought the current president and his coterie of dictatorial power in 1989.

Oh, guys -- I think I am writing something useful here. Let me take my breath and refresh my mind to continue the Chadian Political Scene. The rest of this reportage will fall here soon but in a second page so as not to make this page long.

Continue this reportage and the reflection of the Chadian Political Scene on the Chadian Political Problems and the Chadian Political History here.

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المشهد السياسي التشادي - Chadian Political Scene

المشهد السياسي التشادي (Chadian political scene) ينعكس على الحدود مع السودان (Sudan)، وداخل تشاد (Chad) ويأخذ الماضي إلى المستقبل من خلال الانقسامات القبلية والدين. الدولة العلمانية الحديثة تكاد تكون غائبة.

المحتوى التالي من هذه الصفحة قديم، ولكن يمكنك قراءته للحصول علي الخلفيات، واستخدامه كمرجع. يتم تضمين التحديثات الجديدة على العديد من الصفحات الجديدة، التي تجدها في الروابط المرفقة بين السطور وفي شريط التنقل في القسم الأخير من الصفحة. شكراً على تفهمك.

وأخيرا، قرر رئيس تشاد إدريس ديبي زيارة السودان الأسبوع المقبل واجراء محادثات مع العسكر في النظام السوداني الديني العسكري (military religious regime)، الذين ساعدوه في الوصول الي السلطة في الاراضي التشادية في 1990، من خلال تنظيم إنقلابي عسكري يحمل نفس اسم مجلس الانقاذ السوداني، بعد بضعة اشهر من انقلاب العسكر في الخرطوم (Khartoum).

ما حدث وظل يحدث بعد ذلك في شرق تشاد وغرب السودان كان تراجيكوميديا.

لم يقم ديبى بزيارة السودان منذ عام 2004 وتصاعدت التوترات بين مجلسي الانقاذ في كل من البلدين واتهم كل من قائدي الطرفين العسكريين الاخر بدعم المتمردين الكونترا فى غرب السودان وشرق تشاد (Chad). وعندما لعب على الأذهان في الساحة السياسية التشادية، جاء قائد النظام الشمولي التشادي متأخراً ليعترف بأن الحرب لم تحل أي مشكلة قط، وهو يعرف ما كان يتحدث عنه في هذا الصدد.

وكانت هذه المعرفة غائبة لفترة طويلة وتسببت في تدهور بشري إنساني هائل في الحدود بين البلدين وأجبرت ما يقرب من مليون شخص على الفرار من أراضيهم. وأعرب قائد النظام العسكري الدكتاتوري التشادي عن رغبته في العيش في سلام مع رصيفه في السودان بعد سنوات من التوتر بين البلدين، قائلا إن بلده يريد أن يعيش في وئام تام مع جميع جيرانه.

ويتمركز المتمردون التشاديون على الحدود الشرقية لذلك البلد ويتمركز المتمردون السودانيون فى المناطق الغربية من السودان. وفي هذه المناطق، تقيم الجماعات المتمردة العابرة للحدود علاقات أسرية وقبلية مع بعضها البعض، يصل الي مرحلة التزاوج، لدرجة أنه من الصعب معرفة من هو السوداني ومن هو التشادي.

وبدلاً من أن يسهم مثل هذا التشابه في تعزيز روابط الإخاء بين البلدين، وفي تعزيز الوحدة االقومية في البلدين، يستخدمه القادة العسكريون الدينيون لتعقيد المشهد السياسي التشادي (Chadian political scene) ومشهد السودان السياسي (Sudan's political scene).  وكان النظام العسكري في انجامينا قد إتهم النظام العسكري الديني في الخرطوم بدعم المتمردين التشاديين في محاولاتهم لغزو انجامينا للإطاحة بنظام ديبي في عام 2008. واتهم النظام الديكتاتوري في الخرطوم (Khartoum) والذي يقوده عمر البشير (Omar al-Bashir) النظام في انجامينا بدعم متمردي دارفور (Darfur rebels) وتأجيج الازمات في دارفور (Darfur).

ورغم ان  النظامين العسكريين كانا قد وقّعا بعض الاتفاقات لوقف الأعمال العدائية والقتال. غير أن هذه الاتفاقات فشلت فشلا كبيرا.


وكان إتهام النظام الديكتاتوري في السودان للنظام المماثل في انجامينا مرات عديدة يتمثّل في القول بانه يقوم باستغلال الأزمات في دارفور ويلعب دورا كبيرا في تصعيد وتدهور الوضع السياسي في السودان. وهذه هي نفس الأزمات التي تؤدي فيها العديد من القوى الإقليمية والدولية (ولا سيما بعض المنظمات الإنسانية التي تجهل طبيعة الأبعاد السياسية للأزمات) دورا بارزا في التصعيد.

خلال ما يسمى بالديمقراطية الثالثة التي قادتها الأحزاب الطائفية السودانية (Sudanese sectarian parties)، وبعد عودتي من مكان عملي في صحيفة الوطن في الكويت، قابلت العديد من الشخصيات السياسية المهمشة التي لها علاقات وثيقة في البلدين والذين يعرفون كل القبائل والأوضاع في غرب السودان وفي شرق تشاد.

وقد عملت بعض هذه الشخصيات بين تشاد (Chad) والسودان حتى خلال نظام جعفر النميري (Jafar al-Numeri) الديكتاتوري في السودان، وكانت لها علاقات جيدة مع المثقفين. وتشير التقديرات إلى أن النتيجة الكاملة للمقابلات لا تزال غائبة في أعقاب التدهور الذي حدث في السودان قبل شهرين من عام 1989، وهو عام الإنقلاب الذي قامت به الجبهة القومية الإسلامية (National Islamic Front - NIF) في الخرطوم ليُسقط ما سّمي الديمقراطية في السودان (democracy in Sudan)، ويأتي بنظام الإنقاذ.

لم أرسل سوى مقتطفات قصيرة للصحيفة بسبب الظروف السياسية التي عشتها، في أعقاب الانقلاب، عندما أطاح عناصر الأخوان المسلمين السودانيين  (muslim brothers) في الجيش بالحكومة من خلال تنظيمهم الذي كان يُسمي الجبهة القومية الإسلامية (National Islamic Front - NIF)، التي أتت بالرئيس الحالي عمر البشير (Omar al-Bashir) ومجموعة من المهوسين الإسلاميين الي السلطة الديكتاتورية في عام 1989.

أوه، يا رفاق، أعتقد أنني أكتب شيئا مفيدا هنا. واسمحوا لي أن آلتقط أنفاسي وأصفي ذهني لمواصلة المشهد السياسي التشادي (Chadian political scene). بقية هذا التقرير سوف تقع هنا قريبا ولكن في صفحة ثانية حتى لا تكون هذه الصفحة طويلة أكثر مما يجب.

* حسناً، هذه الإضافة في السطور التالية، والتي تشمل المراجع اللاحقة لما تمت كتابته هنا تمت بعد بضع سنوات في إطار تحديث الصفحة ببعض السطور وبعض الروابط الجديدة. هنا الروابط بالمقالات الجديدة نوعاً ما والتي تمت إضافتها من المادة الطويلة، التي أرسلتها الي جريدة الوطن بعد فترة من إرسال المقتطفات، أي في التسعينات:

Chadian Political HistoryTchad| (The Tragedy of Simulation and Similarity between Chad and the Sudan) تراجيديا المحاكاة والشبه بين تشاد والسودان| أزمة تشاد مستمرة (The Chad crisis continues)| تاريخ الغياب الوطني التشادي (History of Chadian National Absenteeism)| تراجيديا المحاكاة والشبه بين تشاد والسودان (The Tragedy of Simulation and Similarity Between Chad and Sudan)|

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