Sudanese Weakness!

Read Sudanese Weakness right, as it is always about understanding the meaning and the purpose of using any term right, and you'll never be agitated, consternated, distressed, frighten, horrified, panic, perturbed, shaken up, shocked, or upset. I assure you, dear.

hoa-politicalscene.com/sudanese-weakness.html: Sudanese Weakness: نقطة ضعف سودانية. Khalid Mohammed Osman's political quotes in English 1. أقوال سياسية لخالد محمد عثمان.hoa-politicalscene.com/sudanese-weakness.html: Sudanese Weakness: نقطة ضعف سودانية. Khalid Mohammed Osman's political quotes in English 1. أقوال سياسية لخالد محمد عثمان بالانجليزية.

Defining the Term Weakness!

Before we go, if you were in a hurry, scroll down to read the main article at the fourth title almost in the middle of the page. But, introductions are always good to start with to get the fruit of any background.

This is not the first page at this specific topic. It is a continuation to other two pages. So, you'll apparently misunderstand the title of the page, if you didn't read the other two pages.

You know by this the article is so long and it is divided into many pages. You are right.

The weakness meant here isn't a description that the Sudanese people are weak. Never at all. But, the Sudanese weakness intended is the weakness at the level of the Sudanese intifada, as a revolutionary process.

That's a Sudanese weakness. Any failure in any field is also considered a Sudanese something of the same definition.

The description of weakness in doing something is not an insult. It is rather a critique of the weakness of something, or weakness in the accomplishment of something, such as weakness in the preparation of something, or weakness in an individual or collective action, such as the Sudanese protests.

At this level, I mean the level of the Sudanese revolution the Sudanese weakness is deadly destroying all the future of Sudan. So, as you get through the correct definition of weakness, you understand that it belongs to the way we carry out the Sudanese rising across the streets to send the military religious regime to hell, where it belongs.

The Sudanese Weakness isn't about moving the street protesting, or do such efforts. It's in the process to legalize and put the legitimacy of revolution in the right place and the right time to assume power.

Intro to Sudanese Weakness as an Episode within Other Episodes!

Up to these lines and although they are supporting the main topic, I should say they are not the main topic which as I said have started on other two pages. Here you need to know about this long article and to connect with the information in the other two pages.

First, the Sudanese Weakness, along with its Arabic version Sudanese Political Weakness is an episode in a sequence of Sudanese political articles amongst more than 200 episodes. I haven't numbered it yet, as I am awaiting the completion of the episodes in the alphabetical and numerical order. But, from where it continued the two episodes have numbers.

The topic started at Sudanese Alarm, which is episode 20, with its Arabic version Sudanese Political Alarm, continued on episode 21 Sudanese Alerts, with its Arabic version Sudanese Political Alerts and then here.

There's a column at the end about the sequence and the episodes to know the backgrounds of what you read here on Sudanese Weakness.

Defining the Sudanese Weakness and Solving It!

The weakness might in many cases indicate the failure, or the causes of the failure. That's also an indication to what that thing whatever it is in general lacks, so as to succeed, or to function, or to whatever action it has been taken for, or proceeded to have good results.

What does the revolution in Sudan lack

It ain't about what does it mean to lack ability, or what does it mean to lack capacity and integrity, or what does it mean to lack objectivity. It is about lacking a perfect plan that makes the revolution not only succeed but get political power, immediately.

So, it lacks leaders who are secular, sacrificed their lives for Sudan and most of all have 50 years at least in the national political struggle. Yes, that's half a century.

The leaders required are godfathering and spiritual leaders who don't have any personal ambitions to claim power. The leaders must work during the revolution to help it succeed and teach the people at the same time to create good leaders from the movement of the revolutionary young.

The revolution also lacks the answers to vital questions as the following, as well as complete good preparations, especially of what's necessary after the revolution.

The questions that the revolution has ignored during its maturity are the following questions:

  1. what after the fall of the totalitarian regime,
  2. what is the right way to build a civil state,
  3. whether the constitution alone is enough, or not and...
  4. what are the political formulas of the state administration.

Yes, there is something as that stated in number 1, but it is incomplete and imperfect.

Yes, there is a constitution, but it is also done in a hurry and it is incomplete and imperfect.

Yes, there are some formals in number 4, but they are also done in a hurry and so incomplete and imperfect.

What does all of this mean is that now clear in the results of the negotiation with what's called the military council, to result in having illegitimate council criticizing the constitution and indicating it is incomplete and imperfect.

That at the same time means unwell preparation gives great chances to the enemies.

Perhaps, our activism partners in the Sudanese uprising thought that the important thing now is to carry out a Sudanese intifada against the regime to fall only, as shown by the slogan "fall only", and that all other things are considered later, that is after the completion of the revolution first, and this is a clear error in strategies.

No one should ever motivate people to sacrifice their lives for a great mission like this that is circumstantial, or that produces circumstantial outcomes, but not the concrete objectives of the protests.

We have Sudanese Weakness Regarding the Constitutional State!

All issues must be clearly identified and addressed before any revolution. Because there will be a political vacuum, chaos will occur, if the revolution wins, and there are no prior arrangements, to sum up in the three mechanisms I mentioned earlier, which must be achieved before hand and available to every activist before involving in any revolution.

  1. Revolution constitution,
  2. Revolution government,
  3. Revolution tigers forces.

Even the proposed constitution, which includes collected points from my suggestions (at 1 نقاط تصلح لدستور انتقالي في السودان - 2 نقاط تصلح لدستور انتقالي  في السودان) was gathered from other information and suggestions hastily, because all the thinking was confined to the revolution only, and they put the constitution of the revolution at the end, as long as it is not complete, yet.

Therefore, all of this allowed the demon of the totalitarian regime in the military council to criticize missing identifications in the version of the proposed draft of the constitution, saying that it lacked many definitions of articles. The council was looking for time, to implement Plan B to carry out further maneuvers in order not to hand over power to a proposed transitional civilian government.

It is this apparent lack of a constitutional proposal that made me alert to consider before being criticized by the military council and where I stated that the secularism of the state should be clearly defined and its ethnic identity determined by its strong African attachment, in the first articles about the identity of the state.

I mentioned this along with the reference in the language clause to the fact that Arabic is one of the majority languages with the majority of other African languages, that should be taken and I added English to these languages so as to be the official languages of the state of Sudan.

The constitution and its proposals were discussed and written by me even before anyone thought about it, and I wrote the suggestions of the constitutional proposals, some of which were dealt with in the constitution of the Freedom and Change Group.

I talked about all of that earlier and that talk about the need for the constitution actually began when I started to criticize and say that Sudan has no constitution in the true sense of a constitution for a long time, which angered many, especially when I said that Sudan has no flag and that the flag we raise even in our demonstrations against the tyrant regime is a dictatorship.

For this reason, I suggested another note that I designed and placed in most of the posters I designed, which I received from comrades in the revolution, and then after that the broad national front led by fighter ustaz Ali Mahmoud Hassanein put forward proposals for a constitution and a flag.

My criticism and saying that Sudan has no constitution and I am the first to say that and confirm it, came for several reasons.

First, any constitution in the world has preliminary objective conditions that must be met in order to make a constitution.

These substantive terms of the constitution were not available when the first constitution of Sudan was written, or any other constitution was written at all. These substantive conditions of the constitution were not available.

Thus, the constitution loses its substantive conditions, as other constitutions lose their objective conditions, and all become useless, or not real constitutions.

In fact, there are many Sudanese constitutions that are not real, whether constitutions of the so-called democracy in Sudan, in which Sudan was led by the Sudanese sectarian parties, or the constitutions of the Sudanese dictatorial regimes.

Constitutions of dictatorial regimes? Is not that strange?

Second, if there is a constitution in the true meaning and sense of the constitution, the south Sudan war did not explode within the framework of independence, and as the country continues to suffer from the civil war then it suffers from other civil wars in different parts of the Sudanese west.

...the Sudanese west, as if it were not a warm part of the great country of Sudan, and which should have made us proud of our land because it is the largest geographical area in Africa that resembles the image of Africa even in its geographical map.

Thirdly, it is never possible for a strong right-wing sectarian group to complete a civil constitution under which a civil state is built. The civil state is a secular state. So the secular term comes next, or precedes the civil term. In many of the use of the civil term, the secular term comes next.

No Sudanese Weakness in the Framework of a Constitutional State!

I meant that I am a very careful person in such matters and in the use of these political vocabulary, depending on the mental structures and the way my mind works. That is the rational thinking method.

When I say that sectarian parties can not produce a secular constitution, it is because the sectarian groups are inherently religious and are no different from the Muslim Brotherhood, despite what appears from the actions here and there to shed the ashes in the eyes.

These religious parties have been in control of power and wealth since independence. And here I am also the first to talk about it explicitly at a time when no one dared to say so. Others began to echo this recently in the context of the eruption of the Sudanese revolution.

I am talking here about transparency and credibility, and the need to restore the moral rights of their owners in this regard, when we talk about things like these.

I am interested in this as a journalist and an author of my works, because I am very knowledgeable and experienced and very interested in the rights of literary property, and the need to refer to the sources clearly, when dealing with these things that I am talking about.

These important constitutional points have never been occurred to anyone, or taken. I would like to refer to my full name as the source and governor of these pages in which there is such talk. Not doing so is a clear statement of moral and intellectual property rights, and a clear theft.

That means by connecting the state of Sudan strongly to its continent Africa, according to the ethnic identity with its strong African affiliation we respond to the demands of the masses in the Sudanese revolution.

That followed by determining the official languages ​​of the state by majorities, including Arabic and English as official languages ​​of the country. This important constitutional point has never been occurred to anyone, or taken into consideration.

I would like to refer to my full name Khalid Mohammed Osman, a Sudanese veteran freedom fighter, veteran journalist, strategic thinker, theoretician, and human rights activist, as the founder, source and governor of these pages in which there is such talk, that has never been said before I said it.

So, when referring to such ideas do source them and give me a credit for my hard 50 years+ efforts by refering to my name and the URLs of the pages. Not doing so is a clear statement of immoral, and violation to intellectual property rights, and a clear theft.

Summing Up the Sudanese Weakness to Change that to Sudanese Strength!

From all this presentation or narration, we get to the point that the hole in the creation of a modern secular state is the modern secular constitution. But here, we also do not have the substantive conditions of the constitution. Actually this is reality.

In emergency conditions, a revolutionary emergency, a transitional constitution can be achieved, including the completion of a permanent constitution next. This transitional constitution serves as a revolutionary constitution to pave the way for the building of a modern unified secular state.

The constitution defines the features of this state through its constitutional articles. It strongly attributes it to its African geographical location, African languages ​​and Arabic, including these languages as a majority language. Addin English is necessary in the formal practices.

The constitution establishes the first building blocks for the establishment of the legitimate system of the state with its four powers. It clearly defines the duties and functions of those authorities, and separates them.

It reinforces the regional structural shape of the 6 regional provinces in a way that addresses the slackening of the job, which was caused by the regional administrative expansion policies carried out by the totalitarian regime, and tackles the national treasury's pressure on ministers and administrators who are unnecessarily inflamed.

Background on Sudanese Weakness and other Episodes in the Sequence!

The series in sequence 1 includes Sudanese political articles in English, Sudanese Arabic political articles, Sudanese commentaries and Sudanese comments, the loyal readers of the HOA Political Scene Newsletter and I have written on the HOA Political Scene Blog.

The HOA Index includes also Sudanese Commentaries and the Sudanese Comments. These two indexing pages are episodes in the Sudanese sequence of articles.

They make the HOA Network bilingual with the Arabic HOA and the English Bilingual HOA. on the cultural section of the network at HOAs English Literature.

The readers of the Horn of Africa's Journal and the loyal visitors of HOA Political Scene have already built many categories on the Arabic HOA Political Scene at Readers Comment, Readers Read Good, Readers Write Comments and Readers Write Good.

They also add pages to this network at: Write about Chad, Write about Djibouti, Write about DRC, Write about Eritrea, Write about Ethiopia, Write about HOA, Write about Kenya, Write about Somalia, Write about Sudan and Write about Uganda.

The series of articles are in many episodes in the sequence of Sudanese articles and commentaries. This sequence alone has more than 200 episodes.

The work continues on the Sudanese sequence of political articles to complete the edition of it in an alphabetical and numerical order, as you see from the alphabet of the second term and the numbers.

This episode is connected with all of the episodes from episode 1 to the end. The episodes are at:

Episode 1: Sudanese Abilities| Episode 2: Sudanese Absence| Episode 3: Sudanese Abuse| Episode 4: Sudanese Achievements| Episode 5: Sudanese Actions| Episode 6: Sudanese Activities| Episode 7: Sudanese Administration| Episode 8: Sudanese Advantages| Episode 9: Sudanese Adversity| Episode 10: Sudanese Advices| Episode 11: Sudanese Advocacy| Episode 12: Sudanese Affairs| Episode 13: Sudanese Affiliation|

There are some Arabic versions of some of these episodes at:

Sudanese Political Abilities| Sudanese Political Absence| Sudanese Political Abuse| Sudanese Political Achievements| Sudanese Political Actions| Sudanese Political Activities| Sudanese Political Administration| Sudanese Political Advantages| Sudanese Political AdversitySudanese Political Advices| Sudanese Political Advocacy| Sudanese Political Affairs| Sudanese Political Affiliation| Sudanese Political Affliction|

The organization of the Sudanese political articles goes further to cover the following episodes:

Episode 15: Sudanese Aggression| Episode 16: Sudanese Agitation| Episode 17: Sudanese Agreements| Episode 18: Sudanese Aid| Episode 19: Sudanese Aims| Episode 20: Sudanese Alarm| Episode 21: Sudanese Alerts| Episode 22: Sudanese Allegations| Episode 23: Sudanese Allies| Episode 24: Sudanese Alternatives| Episode 25: Sudanese Ambitions| Episode 26: Sudanese Amnesty| Episode 27: Sudanese Analyses| Episode 28: Sudanese Anecdotes| Episode 29: Sudanese Anger| Episode 30: Sudanese Angles|

As well as Sudan, the organizational work continues to build other sequences with episodes for the other states in the Horn of Africa, including Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Somaliland, South Sudan, and Uganda. Chad, or Tchad and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are supplementary.

This is a Horn Africas Network.

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