The Sudanese Allegations are nothing more than following the Sudanese political spectrum since the independence from Britain in 1956, through different political periods, to classify, fragment and analyze the allegations, or by other words the accusations and claims against the ruling parties of Sudan, until we come to the late military council.
It is almost 65 years, since the so-called independence of Sudan, and the accusations follow until the movement, that have emerged from the collapse of the totalitarian system.
It was that totalitarian system those parties have brought to power. The allegations also involve the late revolution.
Those Sudanese Allegations are sorted out into three definitions here:
The Sudanese Allegations begin after reviewing the latest solutions to get out of the Sudanese political crisis, which I wrote in three previous pages in a sequence of Sudanese political articles.
You may be aware of these political articles, if you are following the episodes. If you don't, please do so to get a comprehensive idea of what you will read here on Sudanese Allegations, as intended by other terms as Sudanese accusations, Sudanese arguments, Sudanese charges, Sudanese claims and Sudanese indictment.
Let us begin with this Sudanese presentation.
The Sudanese Allegations, along with the Arabic version Sudanese Political Allegations make the 22nd episode in the sequence of Sudanese political articles, I mentioned, which you can find more information about at one of the sections on this page.
This episode continues from which I have written in episode 20 Sudanese Alerts, with its Arabic version Sudanese Political Alerts, episode 21 Sudanese Alarm with its Arabic version Sudanese Political Alarm, and another episode I did not come to its numerical and alphabetical classification, yet titled as Sudanese Weakness with its Arabic version Sudanese Political Weakness.
Therefore, I will complete the latest political analysis on this axis here, and I refer to the Sudanese Political Allegations in their three categories, for the sake of purifying the intellectual sense of the masses of the Sudanese protests, so that these valiant masses continue their outstanding heroic, historical steadfastness on the path of the Sudanese revolution. National aims come first.
First - The military junta, as they called themselves the military council, which has come from the totalitarian regime through its false coup d'état is accused first of the false coup d'état, which has been carried out to maintain and preserve the infrastructure of the collapsed regime.
Defining the infrastructure of the collapsed regime:
A - The infrastructure of the collapsed regime is composed of Sudanese armed forces (SAF). These armed forces were purified since 1989 by the totalitarian regime, when the national high rank officers were forced to get retired and replaced by high ranks of Muslim Brothers' elements in the Sudanese army.
B - The infrastructure of the collapsed regime is also made up of administrative divisions, which have been established to employ an army of peripheral inertia of currency traders, as administrators without qualifications, counterfeiters, mercenaries who knew nothing but murder and solitude, and minors who have been brainwashed by Islamic concepts, using a sort of Islam we did not hear about before.
C - The infrastructure of the collapsed regime and this is the economical one is also made up of Arabic well-dressed Islamic banks, which they set up with the opportunists of the peoples of neighboring countries in the Middle East, to strike the national economy and turn it into a home economy for the regime's influentials and their agents in the Middle East and the Far East.
D - The infrastructure of the collapsed regime is also made up of security forces and mercenaries, who protect their interests, practice regional pimps, and export mercenaries to participate in the agency's wars in the Arabian peninsula, which are run by the conspirators of their neighbors in Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt and elsewhere.
E - The infrastructure of the collapsed regime is also based on collaborative network of the international terrorism in the region that extends to Afghanistan, which was blessed by the most neo-liberal empire in the world, which arose after the success of its plots to strike the Soviet Union and the Eastern European bloc and committed human crimes there.
F - The infrastructure of the collapsed regime also consists of the interests of joint monopolies with the exploiters of neighboring states, which sell people for their political interests. Human to them is a tool to exploit for their own interests, even though they claim to be Muslims. What Islam is the one that dehumanizes and despises human beings?
The so-called military junta, having realized and confirmed the size of the recent Sudanese rising, came through the false coup, after firm knowledge of the Sudanese revolutionary attempts to achieve many schemes for the sake of the collapsed regime.
The schemes of the military council have been setup at first to do the following:
Now, the military council uses them to persecute the Sudanese people, oppress and continue to terrorize them by killing many very young people, girls and boys including children during the Sudanese uprising against this terrorist system and its successors.
The collapsed regime has been using the same mercenaries to sell very young Sudanese people to its client partners in the Arabian Peninsula, such as Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates to use them as mercenaries in their wars in Yemen, where Egypt has joined the two regional preperators.
From the very beginning, ever since the junta came through its coup, I said that it is a council that lacks legitimacy, just like the totalitarian military regime, which this council have emerged from it. Then this idea spread between Sudanese activists on the social media and other writings.
This Sudanese political indictment to the so-called military council was first issued by me the Sudanese journalist Khalid Mohammed Osman, personally. The indictment came mainly because, I know much about the conspiracy theory in Sudan, including of course the Muslim Brothers' conspiracy theory, and how this piece of devil party plays politics.
I know that from the first day since the so-called National Islamic Front (NIF) achieved the 1989 coup, so I said that this regime is illegitimate. Because of this knowledge, I carried some questions with shadows of accusations to one of its officers called Salih Karar.
He became mad of the questions, first at the first economical conference this blackmarket currency trader has organized in the Friendship Hall in Khartoum, and second immediately after the conference at the front door of his office. He was upset and frustrated while asking me what's this, what's this and then turned in to his office.
Thereafter, I followed suggestions from some economical experts who were attendant in the conference and present at the moment to disappear, immediately, which I did to flee my country again. In a Sudanese expression, one of them advised me to look for "a ground to swallow me". We laughed in the elevator of the hall.
When the Sudanese opposition parties began to negotiate with the collapsed regime before, for sharing power, I said that the parties in the opposition were just giving a legitimacy to those who do not have legitimacy, and to those who do not deserve it.
I said that not only because of the coup, but also because of the crimes committed against the Sudanese people, described as crimes against humanity, which are not counted precisely, yet. It is very strange that all of these crimes are still in the International Criminal Court (ICC), despite the issue of the Omer al-Bashir's indictment and the arrest warrant issued on him, because only the big player in this process has been manuevering with the Sudanese regime.
In this context, I have come to the conclusion that any agreement, whatever its kind, whatever the quality of its participants, whom ever carried it with such an alegitimate system is not a legitimate agreement, including the so-called Comprehensive Peace Agreement.
I explained why the Sudan People's Liberation Movement has agreed to such false peace accord, which led to the organization of the referendum in Southern Sudan, which was an illegitimate southern referendum.
It is so, because it is the result of an illegitimate agreement, despite that the agreement has received a green light and assistance from the United States and Western countries. Once it was illegitimate agreement, so that means the presence of the State of South Sudan is also illegitimate. It was not done through an agreement with a legitimate system.
Before it has happened, though, I explained some important facts around it that anticipated the outcome of it and read the future in a paper entitled "The Mechanisms of Peace", which I presented at the General Conference of the Sudanese Alliance Forces (SAF) in the liberated territories, foretold what happened after the signing of the peace agreement.
On this basis, the Sudanese political accusations against this collapsed totalitarian regime are ratified, and thus the military council, which came from the same regime, is authorized in fact to practice its conspiracies against the Sudanese people and carry out the dangerous aspect of the conspiracy theory.
The conspiracy theory, which the Muslim Brotherhood has planned for its own sake, is what I call the conspiracy theory of the Muslim Brotherhood. Not only that, the military council is one of the octopus arms of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan.
I wrote a lot about this issues previously, when I mentioned that the collapsed totalitarian regime is the same one of these octopus arms, and that the exit of the Muslim Brotherhood's leader Hassan al-Turabi from it in the nineties, was in the framework of creating another arm to add to these octopus arms.
I said that time if Hassan al-Turabi is executed, or even top leaders of his party are executed, then all of that does not change the nature of this organization, or prove that the Turabi's Party, which is called the People's Conference Party is different from Omar al-Bashir's party, which is called the National Congress Party.
I explained further that the Sudanese wing of the Muslim Brothers, since its inception in the 1940s has been characterized, as I mentioned by the policy of burning the political stages in Sudan and burning the Sudanese sectarian parties with it at the same time.
This devil sort of party does this to continue in power for ever, or as some of their leaders told me once that they are sure of ruling Sudan until the Messiah comes again to submit the holy message to him. Until the Messiah comes again? Oh, my Allah.
Continue at Sudanese Indictment and its Arabic version Sudanese Political Indictment.
The series in sequence 1 includes Sudanese political articles in English, Sudanese Arabic political articles, Sudanese commentaries and Sudanese comments, the loyal readers of the HOA Political Scene Newsletter and I have written on the HOA Political Scene Blog.
The readers of the Horn of Africa's Journal and the loyal visitors of HOA Political Scene have already built many categories on the Arabic HOA Political Scene at Readers Comment, Readers Read Good, Readers Write Comments and Readers Write Good.
They also add pages to this network at: Write about Chad, Write about Djibouti, Write about DRC, Write about Eritrea, Write about Ethiopia, Write about HOA, Write about Kenya, Write about Somalia, Write about Sudan and Write about Uganda.
The series of articles are in many episodes in the sequence of Sudanese articles and commentaries. This sequence alone has more than 200 episodes.
The work continues on the Sudanese sequence of political articles to complete the edition of it in an alphabetical and numerical order, as you see from the alphabet of the second term and the numbers.
This episode is connected with all of the episodes from episode 1 to the end. The episodes are at:
Episode 1: Sudanese Abilities| Episode 2: Sudanese Absence| Episode 3: Sudanese Abuse| Episode 4: Sudanese Achievements| Episode 5: Sudanese Actions| Episode 6: Sudanese Activities| Episode 7: Sudanese Administration| Episode 8: Sudanese Advantages| Episode 9: Sudanese Adversity| Episode 10: Sudanese Advices| Episode 11: Sudanese Advocacy| Episode 12: Sudanese Affairs| Episode 13: Sudanese Affiliation|
There are some Arabic versions of some of these episodes at:
Sudanese Political Abilities| Sudanese Political Absence| Sudanese Political Abuse| Sudanese Political Achievements| Sudanese Political Actions| Sudanese Political Activities| Sudanese Political Administration| Sudanese Political Advantages| Sudanese Political Adversity| Sudanese Political Advices| Sudanese Political Advocacy| Sudanese Political Affairs| Sudanese Political Affiliation| Sudanese Political Affliction|
The organization of the Sudanese political articles goes further to cover the following episodes:
Episode 15: Sudanese Aggression| Episode 16: Sudanese Agitation| Episode 17: Sudanese Agreements| Episode 18: Sudanese Aid| Episode 19: Sudanese Aims| Episode 20: Sudanese Alarm| Episode 21: Sudanese Alerts| Episode 22: Sudanese Allegations| Episode 23: Sudanese Allies| Episode 24: Sudanese Alternatives| Episode 25: Sudanese Ambitions| Episode 26: Sudanese Amnesty| Episode 27: Sudanese Analyses| Episode 28: Sudanese Anecdotes| Episode 29: Sudanese Anger| Episode 30: Sudanese Angles|
As well as Sudan, the organizational work continues to build other sequences with episodes for the other states in the Horn of Africa, including Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Somaliland, South Sudan, and Uganda. Chad, or Tchad and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are supplementary.
This is a Horn Africas Network.
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