The Sudanese Bargain has different meanings here. The first bargain is to get your brain to know political bargains that are aimed to confiscate you completely. The confiscation is not only from your property, but even from your identity and nationality.
Have you ever heard of political fraud and political scam?
That's part of the Muslim Brothers' conspiracy theory in Sudan, which has been assisted by the Sudanese sectarian parties. The religious and sectarian parties are political fraud and political scam.
The second bargain is the confiscation bargain itself, which has been planned by religious and sectarian parties, as well as the coups they invited to confiscate political power.
I am you in this regard and I am your conscience to free you from ordinary thinking of big and dangerous matters like these, which are happening in Sudan.
PLEASE PAY GREAT ATTENTION TO WHAT I HAVE MENTIONED ABOVE AND BELOW. THIS WOULD BE YOUR RENDEZVOUS WITH GREAT KNOWLEDGE, SO YOU GET THE WISDOM OF 50 YEARS OF POLITICAL STRUGGLE TOO:
First, here is a method to understanding mental behavioral thinking in the framework of exploring and researching Sudanese Bargain!
Second, the aim is to get you in that framework of knowledge, so you could understand the problems and work continuously towards achieving a successful comprehensive revolution.
Politics for us is an environment. We live inside it like underwater fish. If we get out of that environment, we die
Thinking is a mental process for intellectuals and reveals intellectual tendencies.
I hope you would be very interested in what I mentioned above and what follows. This will be your rendezvous with the great knowledge of such serious political matters, so that you also get the wisdom from the experiences of 50 years. It is all to let you know the outputs of these long political years, so you get a marvelous knowledge of the matter:
The Sudanese version of "Sudanese political bargaining", "Sudanese political deal", "Sudanese political negotiation", or "Sudanese political agreement" are slightly less than the Arabic version on the "Sudanese Political Bargain" page.
Here I continue to talk about the internal political agreements and where I explained on the previous page of the 17th episode of the Sudanese Agreements, the meanings and the results of the Sudanese political agreements between the religious and sectarian parties.
I will continue that with some more highlights to reach the Sudanese Bargains between the illegitimate religious military regime and the insurgent movements, and even the origin of the other Sudanese political Bargains.
The best political articles are those that begin with introductions about the elements of the general understanding of the subject and about the sources of the articles and their links to other articles and resources, in the knowledge stat base in my memory.
As usual, as you can see in all Sudanese political episodes of the Sudanese sequence of political articles, I begin with an introduction to the sources of the episodes.
All these episodes are in the series of Sudanese political articles, except for this episode of "Sudanese Bargain", with its Arabic version at "Sudanese Political Bargain", which I did not enumerate.
I didn't, because I found some additional vocabulary that must be added to the terms "political" and "Sudanese", in the framework of my research on the vocabulary consistency with these two terms and thus compatible with the conditions and circumstances of the Sudanese political scene.
Not only compatible with other Sudanese political issues, but also that flows in the same direction from the general political orientation in my national memory, which has been struggling for more than fifty years, with political goals.
One of my political goals, I am the Sudanese journalist Khalid Mohammed Osman is to reach the dear reader with a comprehensive understanding of the political problems in Sudan, in order to achieve a Sudanese revolution, that we see as a comprehensive revolution.
I know with certainty that this goal will never be achieved if we continue to think that there are significant differences between the Sudanese religious parties, such as the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood, which in its penultimate version is called the (National Islamic Front - NIF) and the Sudanese sectarian parties.
In addition, this goal will never be achieved if we continue to believe that the Sudanese army, which has been cleansed of loyal national officers, still retains in its primary leadership ranks who can do something to reform the country after the complete destruction of Sudan.
The military cannot reform Sudan, after the extensive destruction made by the so-called national governments, represented by the Sudanese political parties, including the Sudanese sectarian parties, which took power since independence, and then the National Islamic Front Party (NIF), the penultimate version of the wings of the Muslim Brotherhood Party in Sudan, which we know is one of the founders of al Qaeda..
We all know that the massive destruction of Sudan continues in the recent period with the practices of the so-called National Congress Party, led by the dictator Omar al-Bashir, which is one of the wings of the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan, in addition to the People's Conference Party and other political formations of the Muslim Brotherhood.
It is not only the Muslim Brotherhood that must bear responsibility for the destruction of Sudan. It is also the responsibility of the Sudanese political parties, especially the Sudanese sectarian parties, which, through the rule of Sudan, have proved in three periods that sovereignty in Sudan is a matter of gel.
There is no way to solve the problems of the Sudan without reviewing the errors and treatments, and without justice to citizens and prosecutions of all those who have played different roles in the deterioration of Sudan since the independence from Britain in 1956.
The National Islamic Front (NIF) carried out the last military coup in 1989, using its elements in the Sudanese army, when it was the third political power by a majority in the parliament of the so-called democracy in Sudan.
Hassan al-Turabi was the leader of the Islamic National Front (NIF), and he was the brother-in-law of Sadiq al-Mahdi, the prime minister.
He had found the green light to carry out the coup, when the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party reached a Sudanese peace accord with John Garang, the leader of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement in Addis Ababa, shortly before the coup and returned to Khartoum as a champion of peace.
I recall here that I was with a few journalists waiting for the prime minister in the Sudanese cabinet, late at night, two days before the coup, to ask him about confirmation or denial, or what he knows about a military coup against his government looming.
This was also before the false coup attempt, which has proved to be a prover coup, that the authorities denied. He said, "Certainly there is no coup and there are rumors", and when we assured him that his brother-in-law was planning to overthrow him, he denied that. The London-based Addastur Magazine has reported the coup before it happened.
So I say, the coup was planned, and even got the green light from the leader of the democratic government for two reasons:
The first reason is that the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) had won the Umma Party by coming through a Sudanese political Bargain to agree with Garang, with little access to such an agreement, at that difficult time, thus increased the political chances of the DUP.
This meant that the DUP could have formed the government by a majority in the upcoming elections, and that the Umma Party would lose the Prime Minister's seat.
In reverse to that, concerning the DUP peace agreement, the access to that agreement at that difficult time reduced the chances of the leader of the Umma Party to reach a political victory to remain as prime minister and even that political victory of the Democratic Unionist Party has humiliated him personally as leader of the largest party in the country and the leader of the government.
This victory raises the question of why the prime minister did not succeed in reaching a peace agreement, and the head of the rival party simply reached that victory to achieve political success to his party, even though he was not the prime minister or minister?
The second reason was that Sadiq al-Mahdi was obsessed with good charismatic leadership and his own charisma and appeared to have inferiority complex by dealing with that issue.
He might have thought he was targeted personally, because as prime minister he did not take the right steps to make the peace his opponent had achieved by virtue of his constitutional office. That means he should have been as prime minister the one to reach an agreement like that.
So he began to have some certain complexity, especially as he began to act as if all in all is in his hands only, and that nothing goes without his will, so, he sought because of jealousy to disrupt that agreement, in a gesture that "without me nothing can be done". What democracy was that?
In this case of self-commemoration, he reminds us of self-pride, through his behavior in leadership, even to his party, and where he was dominated by a divine leadership idea.
That idea had driven him, even when he was in his thirties, as he was the youngest guy to lead the state of Sudan, because of his character as a grandson of Mahdi, to enter into conflicts over the leadership of the party with his uncle and others from the same house.
The Sudanese opposition suspended armed action to remove the military religious regime and returned from Asmara, Addis Ababa and Cairo, when the dictatorial regime, which is an illegitimate regime, signed an agreement called the Comprehensive Peace Agreement with the South Sudan Movement, the Sudanese People's Liberation Movement, after Sudanese political Bargains lasted for a period.
Therefore, the opposition parties also stopped pursuing the Sudanese bargain, which they had to complete to expel the totalitarian regime through the armed struggle. Thus stopping at that point has given an opportunity for the regime.
The latest Sudanese bargain has paved the way for a referendum in southern Sudan to legitimize the secession in South Sudan, although the SPLM had signed the deal at the beginning with illegitimate regime.
At the beginning, the Sudanese political parties, following the Sudanese Bargain, had reached that pact between them, agreeing to participate in the armed struggle to eliminate the totalitarian regime.
They were influenced by new political movements that followed this approach, the first of which is the Sudanese Alliance Forces of Abdel Aziz Khaled, who has followed the method of armed struggle since its inception, and I was glad to be part of that struggle to lead the information and press section for a while.
In turn, the Sudanese Alliance Forces were inspired by the victory of the two fronts, the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Ethiopian Tigerian People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which formed the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Party in Addis Ababa.
The participation of the Sudanese sectarian parties in the armed struggle was not in fact aimed at eliminating the totalitarian regime, otherwise it would have achieved its objectives.
However, the purpose of the approval of such struggle was to sense the pulse of the Sudanese field with this experience in the armed action, while continuing to search for other means to force the totalitarian regime to listen to them.
At that time, the prime minister, who was thrown out of power by the coup against him, led by his brother-in-law, fled Khartoum to Asmara to say at a press conference in the Eritrean capital Asmara that God had made his way and those who fled with him safely until he arrived safely in Asmara.
In his use of Quran verses, his escape from Khartoum to Asmara was similar to that of the Messenger of Islam when he fled from the Quraish infidels in Mecca to Medina. He cited verses from the Holy Quran, which are the same verses that described the migration of the Messenger of Islam to Medina.
It was something that appeared as a deceptive description and parody, we and Eritrean friends in the Eritrean power have laughed at in Nyala Hotel.
When the People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) was forced to enter into a Sudanese Political Bargain with the dictatorial regime in Sudan, these sectarian parties found enormous psychological relief from their commitment to armed action.
They found a reason to refrain from participating in armed activities, because of that agreement, which has been planned by the regime to break the opposition, after the escape of Mahdi to Asmara.
They even didn't continue opposing the religious military regime and thus found grounds to bargain with the regime. They immediately sought to conclude the Sudanese Political Bargain to agree with the regime on new forms of power sharing.
The regime continued to maneuver around it, rejecting it once, and accepting it once, in an attempt to attract some elements of these sectarian parties to power and tempt them with positions in power and wealth.
The series in sequence 1 includes Sudanese political articles in English, Sudanese Arabic political articles, Sudanese commentaries and Sudanese comments, the loyal readers of the HOA Political Scene Newsletter and I have written on the HOA Political Scene Blog.
The readers of the Horn of Africa's Journal and the loyal visitors of HOA Political Scene have already built many categories on the Arabic HOA Political Scene at Readers Comment, Readers Read Good, Readers Write Comments and Readers Write Good.
They also add pages to this network at: Write about Chad, Write about Djibouti, Write about DRC, Write about Eritrea, Write about Ethiopia, Write about HOA, Write about Kenya, Write about Somalia, Write about Sudan and Write about Uganda.
The series of articles are in many episodes in the sequence of Sudanese articles and commentaries. This sequence alone has more than 200 episodes.
The work continues on the Sudanese sequence of political articles to complete the edition of it in an alphabetical and numerical order, as you see from the alphabet of the second term and the numbers.
This episode is connected with all of the episodes from episode 1 to the end. The episodes are at:
Episode 1: Sudanese Abilities| Episode 2: Sudanese Absence| Episode 3: Sudanese Abuse| Episode 4: Sudanese Achievements| Episode 5: Sudanese Actions| Episode 6: Sudanese Activities| Episode 7: Sudanese Administration| Episode 8: Sudanese Advantages| Episode 9: Sudanese Adversity| Episode 10: Sudanese Advices| Episode 11: Sudanese Advocacy| Episode 12: Sudanese Affairs| Episode 13: Sudanese Affiliation|
There are some Arabic versions of some of these episodes at:
Sudanese Political Abilities| Sudanese Political Absence| Sudanese Political Abuse| Sudanese Political Achievements| Sudanese Political Actions| Sudanese Political Activities| Sudanese Political Administration| Sudanese Political Advantages| Sudanese Political Adversity| Sudanese Political Advices| Sudanese Political Advocacy| Sudanese Political Affairs| Sudanese Political Affiliation| Sudanese Political Affliction|
The organization of the Sudanese political articles goes further to cover the following episodes:
Episode 15: Sudanese Aggression| Episode 16: Sudanese Agitation| Episode 17: Sudanese Agreements| Episode 18: Sudanese Aid| Episode 19: Sudanese Aims| Episode 20: Sudanese Alarm| Episode 21: Sudanese Alerts| Episode 22: Sudanese Allegations| Episode 23: Sudanese Allies| Episode 24: Sudanese Alternatives| Episode 25: Sudanese Ambitions| Episode 26: Sudanese Amnesty| Episode 27: Sudanese Analyses| Episode 28: Sudanese Anecdotes| Episode 29: Sudanese Anger| Episode 30: Sudanese Angles|
As well as Sudan, the organizational work continues to build other sequences with episodes for the other states in the Horn of Africa, including Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Somaliland, South Sudan, and Uganda. Chad, or Tchad and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are supplementary.
This is a Horn Africas Network.
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