The Chadian Political Scene reflects on the borders with Sudan, inside Chad and it takes the past to the future through the divisions of tribalism and religion. The modern state is almost absent.
At last, the President of Chad Iddris Deby decided to visit Sudan next week and have talks with the brothers who helped them to claim the power in the Chadian lands in 1990, taking the same name of the revolutionary salvation council, just few months after the coup of their brothers in Khartoum.
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What happens after that in eastern-Chad and western Sudan was a tragicomedy.
Deby has not visited Sudan since 2004 and tensions between the two revolutionary councils escalated and each of the leaders accused the other of supporting the contra rebels in western-Sudan and in eastern-Chad.
Playing on the Chadian Political Scene, he came late to admit that war has never resolved any problem and he knows what he was talking about in this regard.
This knowledge was absent for a long time and that caused massive human deterioration in the borders between the two countries and forced almost million of people to flee their lands.
The Chadian President expressed his wishes to live in peace after years of tension between the two countries, saying that his country wants to live in perfect harmony with all its neighbours.
The Chadian rebels are based in the eastern border of that country and the Sudanese rebels are based in the western areas of Sudan. In these areas, cross-borders rebellious groups have family and tribal relations with each other to the point that it is difficult to tell who the Sudanese is and who is the Chadian.
Instead of having such similarity strengthening fellowship's ties, the religious military leaders use it to complicate the Chadian Political Scene and the Sudanese Political Scene.
The military regime in N'djamena accused the religious military regime in Khartoum of supporting Chad's rebel in their attempts to invade N'djamena to oust Deby's regime in 2008. The regime in Khartoum accused the regime in N'djamena of supporting the Darfur Rebels and fuelling the crises in Darfur.
Both of the two regimes have signed some agreements to stop hostilities and fighting. However, these agreements have failed significantly.
The dictatorial regime in Sudan has accused the similar system in N'djamena so many times of exploiting the crises in Darfur and playing the great role in the escalation and deterioration of the political situation in Sudan.
These are the same crises that many regional and international powers (especially some humanitarian organizations that are ignorant of the nature of the political dimensions of the crises) play prominent role in the escalation.
During the so-called third democracy of the Sudanese Sectarian Parties in the Sudan and after my return from my workplace in al-Watan newspaper in Kuwait, I interviewed many marginalized political figures with close ties in the two countries and who know all the tribes and the situations in western Sudan and in eastern Chad.
Some of these figures worked between Chad and Sudan even during Jafar al Numeri's dictatorial system in Sudan and had good relations with the intelligentsia. The entire outcome of the interviews has been estimated to remain absent following the deterioration in Sudan couple of months before 1989.
I sent only short excerpts to the newspaper because of the political circumstances I lived, in the aftermath of the coup, when the military overthrew the government by the name of the National Islamic Front (NIF), which brought the current president and his coterie of dictatorial power in 1989.
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